With an eye clearly on a consecutive fourth term, the Orissa CM has altered his style of functioning even as he grooms new faces within the party, reports Dhrutikam Mohanty
In his third term as Orissa Chief Minister, Naveen Patnaik appears to be a changed man. Gone is the politician who once kept his own partymen at arm’s length and sported a cold cloak of aloofness. He is now consciously seeking to evolve into a popular leader – accessible and friendly. Not long ago, when somebody sought an appointment with him on a Sunday, he said: “I am enjoying a holiday and you should too.” Today, he thinks nothing of convening official meetings on Sundays. During his previous terms in office, Patnaik’s durbar at his residence, Naveen Niwas, would be held only on weekdays. It would begin at 9 am and end within an hour and a half. Nobody dared disturb him on Sundays. Now, both on weekends and weekdays, the meetings at his residence stretch until 1.30 pm. According to Naveen Niwas insiders, the usually picky and reserved Chief Minister would rarely invite lawmakers to his residence for one-on-one meetings. That is common practice now. Only a few handpicked ministers had access to his house during his earlier terms. Patnaik’s third term has turned Naveen Niwas into an open house. Ministers and legislators troop in at all hours and the CM not only finds time for all, he also has breakfast and lunch with them. Naveen goes out of his way to establish a personal rapport with the people he meets. Subrat Tarai, a first-time MLA, recently had a first-hand encounter with the new Naveen Patnaik. He called on the CM in his official chamber with a request – Tarai wanted to be recommended for membership of the governing body of a University from which he had completed his post-graduation. Patnaik was warmth personified – he invited the young legislator to his residence. Even though the state Assembly was in session, Patnaik spent half an hour with Tarai. When the latter got up to leave, the CM gifted him a group photograph of BJD MLAs that was clicked at Naveen Niwas. “My perception about Naveen babu changed totally,” says Tarai. “I had heard that he is arrogant. I found a man who was full of warmth. As the leader of the party, Naveen babu likes to strike a personal rapport with his colleagues.” Patnaik’s new style has taken many of his close associates by surprise. The CM recently hosted a breakfast bash at home – all the 102 MLAs of the Biju Janata Dal were invited. The party began with a group photo session. A variety of South Indian dishes was served. The BJD supremo personally supervised the breakfast and was seen moving around and interacting with the MLAs.
When he reached Pradeep Maharathy, the maverick lawmaker from Pipili who had triggered a controversy by refusing the CM’s offer to be the chief whip of the BJD legislative party, he took a part of the dosa on the MLA’s plate and gulped it with some chutney. Sources said Maharathy was left speechless. Patnaik had never been seen before in public sharing food from somebody else’s plate. “Naveen babu is a very communicative and affectionate man. Whenever his busy schedule allows, he loves to interact with partymen. Almost at every encounter, he asks me whether I am writing or not,” says journalist-turned-politician Atanu Sabyasachi Nayak. “If I answer in the negative, he reacts by saying that when a CM Minister has time to write, why shouldn’t someone like me?”Nayak is among the seven new faces of Naveen Patnaik’s cabinet. He has assumed the responsibilities of state minister for energy with independent charge. Ramesh Majhi, a 31-year-old tribal lawmaker from Nawrangpur, has been given the science and technology portfolio. Prof. S.N. Mishra, leading analyst of state politics, observes, “New faces constitute half of this cabinet and most of them hold crucial portfolios with independent charge. As Naveen is a mature politician, his ministry has definite political significance. I think this is Naveen’s dream team for the fourth term.” Is Patnaik really working on a blueprint to become the state’s CM for a consecutive fourth term? It seems he is focusing upon those areas which were previously known as his weakness. He was often blamed for his excessive dependence on the bureaucracy. But from the beginning of this term, the CM is operating in a style that does nor revolve around briefings from top officials. Last week, he attended the funeral of a cop killed by Maoists. He openly questioned a senior Orissa police officer about the delay in releasing ex-gratia to the next of kin of the police personnel. The CM Minister was seen losing his cool and his outburst created panic among the top officials, revealed an officer. Similarly, he recently nixed a proposal from bureaucrats to reduce working days in state government offices from six to five days.The popular assumption is that, Patnaik was never a sociable leader. Why has he suddenly taken to winning friends and influencing people? When asked about this changing behavioural pattern of the CM, senior political analyst Basant Das comments, “In the last two terms, Naveen Patnaik was ruthless and savage in establishing his leadership in the party. He behaved like a dictator and became unpredictable when anybody challenged him. But this time the story is different." Das adds: "Patnaik has dealt with rebels within the party with aplomb. Even the manner in which he is handling the new and inexperienced MLAs is noteworthy. If we consider this as a long-term strategy instead of just a means of personal rejuvenation, then certainly this points to an attempt on his part to consolidate his leadership in the party and retain power in the next term.”
Saturday, August 8, 2009
Konark’s sun sets
The ASI has failed to do its restoration job? Reports Dhrutikam Mohanty
The Konark Sun Temple, a world heritage site, is in a sad state. Not a day goes by without some new crack surfacing in the temple, whose conservation is the responsibility of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI). Says Dibakar Nayak, a local resident: “It is the ASI’s slipshod work that is to blame. Many stones of the temple have come loose, and keep falling off.” Of the main structure all that remains of the 13th century monument today is the dilapidated Mukhashala, and the little that the ASI has been able to conserve hardly conveys its former majesty. Historians say 1,200 masons took 12 years to build this wonder during the Ganga dynasty’s reign in Orissa. Ferguson even rated it as one of the finest specimens of Indian architecture. However, though long years of neglect have extensively damaged its statues, pillars and carvings, and limbless deities, it still attracts millions of visitors from the world over. The ASI had taken over the task of its restoration and conservation as early as 1957, and this is all it has got to show! Alleges local journalist Rabindra Bahinipati: “Unskilled labourers were engaged to drill and place iron clamps around the loose portions.” To all these reports the ASI’s response has throughout been one of denial. Indeed, its officials go so far as to claim that the monument is in ‘perfect state’, and all the reports that say it isn’t are false. And insisting that not a single stone has so far fallen off the structure, they point to the pieces of glass they have fixed in different places to determine the nature of the cracks.” All this is hotly denied by the Konark Surakshya Samiti, which claims that two boulders recently broke loose – one in the northwestern and the other in the northeastern corner of the temple entrance. Samiti activists say that while these were hastily removed, there are many others still lying around that give the tale away. Meanwhile, the Orissa government has set up a joint committee comprising representatives of the ASI, district administration and the state culture department, and asked it to report on the temple’s status within a week.
The Konark Sun Temple, a world heritage site, is in a sad state. Not a day goes by without some new crack surfacing in the temple, whose conservation is the responsibility of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI). Says Dibakar Nayak, a local resident: “It is the ASI’s slipshod work that is to blame. Many stones of the temple have come loose, and keep falling off.” Of the main structure all that remains of the 13th century monument today is the dilapidated Mukhashala, and the little that the ASI has been able to conserve hardly conveys its former majesty. Historians say 1,200 masons took 12 years to build this wonder during the Ganga dynasty’s reign in Orissa. Ferguson even rated it as one of the finest specimens of Indian architecture. However, though long years of neglect have extensively damaged its statues, pillars and carvings, and limbless deities, it still attracts millions of visitors from the world over. The ASI had taken over the task of its restoration and conservation as early as 1957, and this is all it has got to show! Alleges local journalist Rabindra Bahinipati: “Unskilled labourers were engaged to drill and place iron clamps around the loose portions.” To all these reports the ASI’s response has throughout been one of denial. Indeed, its officials go so far as to claim that the monument is in ‘perfect state’, and all the reports that say it isn’t are false. And insisting that not a single stone has so far fallen off the structure, they point to the pieces of glass they have fixed in different places to determine the nature of the cracks.” All this is hotly denied by the Konark Surakshya Samiti, which claims that two boulders recently broke loose – one in the northwestern and the other in the northeastern corner of the temple entrance. Samiti activists say that while these were hastily removed, there are many others still lying around that give the tale away. Meanwhile, the Orissa government has set up a joint committee comprising representatives of the ASI, district administration and the state culture department, and asked it to report on the temple’s status within a week.
Cong gets some nice feedback
Orissa Election Assesment by Dhrutikam Mohanty
Union Minister for Rural Development, Chandrasekhar Sahoo, is re-contesting from Berhampur, the biggest constituency in southern Orissa. Being close to Andhra Pradesh, Berhampur is deeply influenced by South Indian culture – a fact that is evident from the residents’ passion for cinema. This is perhaps why the BJD gave its ticket to Oriya film star Siddhant Mahapatra. Bharat Paik is the BJP candidate. Due to the curbs placed by the Election Commission on wall posters, most political parties – at least in the townships – have opted for billboard displays. In Gadapur village, close to the Andhra Pradesh border, one got a distinctively pro-Congress feel. Sahoo says there is deep disenchantment with Navin Patnaik’s government.In nearby Sumando village the people’s mood this time seems to favour Chandrasekhar and the Congress, more so because the BJD-BJP vote bank is divided. Kendrapara is considered a strategic constituency. The battle in this coastal region is between BJD’s Baijayant Panda and Ranjib Biswal of the Congress. Baijayant is a Rajya Sabha member, and former cricketer Ranjib heads the Orissa Cricket Association. What makes this contest different from the others is the fact that the Congress has never won from Kendrapara in the past 50 years. In Balasore, BJP’s Kharabela Swain, who has won three successive elections from here, is trying his luck for the fourth time. And senior Congress leader Srikant Jena and BJD-supported NCP candidate Arun Dey are looking to break his winning streak. Out of the 21 seats in the state, BJD may get eight, Congress seven, BJP four and CPI 1 and JMM one. Clearly, the BJD-BJP's fallout will benefit a comatose Congress party, for the first time in many years.
Union Minister for Rural Development, Chandrasekhar Sahoo, is re-contesting from Berhampur, the biggest constituency in southern Orissa. Being close to Andhra Pradesh, Berhampur is deeply influenced by South Indian culture – a fact that is evident from the residents’ passion for cinema. This is perhaps why the BJD gave its ticket to Oriya film star Siddhant Mahapatra. Bharat Paik is the BJP candidate. Due to the curbs placed by the Election Commission on wall posters, most political parties – at least in the townships – have opted for billboard displays. In Gadapur village, close to the Andhra Pradesh border, one got a distinctively pro-Congress feel. Sahoo says there is deep disenchantment with Navin Patnaik’s government.In nearby Sumando village the people’s mood this time seems to favour Chandrasekhar and the Congress, more so because the BJD-BJP vote bank is divided. Kendrapara is considered a strategic constituency. The battle in this coastal region is between BJD’s Baijayant Panda and Ranjib Biswal of the Congress. Baijayant is a Rajya Sabha member, and former cricketer Ranjib heads the Orissa Cricket Association. What makes this contest different from the others is the fact that the Congress has never won from Kendrapara in the past 50 years. In Balasore, BJP’s Kharabela Swain, who has won three successive elections from here, is trying his luck for the fourth time. And senior Congress leader Srikant Jena and BJD-supported NCP candidate Arun Dey are looking to break his winning streak. Out of the 21 seats in the state, BJD may get eight, Congress seven, BJP four and CPI 1 and JMM one. Clearly, the BJD-BJP's fallout will benefit a comatose Congress party, for the first time in many years.
Price of estrangement
BJD is feeling the saffron pinch even after BJP's gone,feels Dhrutikam Mohanty.
The Biju Janata Dal (BJD) may have finally pulled the plug on the BJP, ending an 11-year-old alliance and decided to go it alone, yet seven of the 21 Lok Sabha seats have no BJD takers. The unceremonious ouster of the BJP has not gone down well with voters on ethical grounds. This, along with changes ushered in by delimitation of constituencies is making it tough for BJD to finalise its candidates. Part of the reason is that seats held by former ally BJP also have to be contested. But many BJD candidates are reluctant to do that. They argue that for the last nine years, the party has had no organisational structure in those constituencies. And to build up a party base now, and try to win is next to impossible.Patnaik and his chief strategist, Pyarimohan Mohapatra are insisting upon ‘winning candidates’, but many existing candidates fear they might lose due to a mixture of these factors. So, while many are making the beeline for getting a ticket, the party fears that those people may not be the 'winners'.The most crisis-ridden constituency is Sambalpur. Sitting BJD MP, Prasanna Acharya, has requested not to be renominated. He feels delimitation has spoilt his chances, with his strongest belts gone. Similarly, Assembly Speaker Kishore Mohanty as well as former minister in the Naveen Cabinet, Nagendra Pradhan, have both declined to contest from there. In Bargarh, sitting MLA Ananda Acharya doesn't want to contest in view of the BJP’s growing influence there. The situation in Sundargarh, an erstwhile BJP stronghold, is also no different. Analysts say the situation is grim for BJD in south-western Orissa. Party stalwarts of Koraput, Kalahandi and Phulbani districts are on the back foot. As Basant Das, a senior political analyst explains: "BJD leaders have developed a fear psychosis. That’s why they are not willing to contest from seats where they have proved themselves earlier."
The Biju Janata Dal (BJD) may have finally pulled the plug on the BJP, ending an 11-year-old alliance and decided to go it alone, yet seven of the 21 Lok Sabha seats have no BJD takers. The unceremonious ouster of the BJP has not gone down well with voters on ethical grounds. This, along with changes ushered in by delimitation of constituencies is making it tough for BJD to finalise its candidates. Part of the reason is that seats held by former ally BJP also have to be contested. But many BJD candidates are reluctant to do that. They argue that for the last nine years, the party has had no organisational structure in those constituencies. And to build up a party base now, and try to win is next to impossible.Patnaik and his chief strategist, Pyarimohan Mohapatra are insisting upon ‘winning candidates’, but many existing candidates fear they might lose due to a mixture of these factors. So, while many are making the beeline for getting a ticket, the party fears that those people may not be the 'winners'.The most crisis-ridden constituency is Sambalpur. Sitting BJD MP, Prasanna Acharya, has requested not to be renominated. He feels delimitation has spoilt his chances, with his strongest belts gone. Similarly, Assembly Speaker Kishore Mohanty as well as former minister in the Naveen Cabinet, Nagendra Pradhan, have both declined to contest from there. In Bargarh, sitting MLA Ananda Acharya doesn't want to contest in view of the BJP’s growing influence there. The situation in Sundargarh, an erstwhile BJP stronghold, is also no different. Analysts say the situation is grim for BJD in south-western Orissa. Party stalwarts of Koraput, Kalahandi and Phulbani districts are on the back foot. As Basant Das, a senior political analyst explains: "BJD leaders have developed a fear psychosis. That’s why they are not willing to contest from seats where they have proved themselves earlier."
Monday, March 23, 2009
Editors’ Power Play
In Orissa, journos take full time to politics with startling results, says TSI's Dhrutikam Mohanty
Nearly 80 per cent editors of Orissa's 10-odd vernacular newspapers are poised to contest in the coming state Assembly and Parliamentary elections – and you don't need to read between the lines to see how partisan their approach to "news" is. Indeed all of them, without exception, have been using their columns to project the line of the parties under whose banners they are contesting. And they are not setting a new trend – whether in Orissa or elsewhere in the country. Time and again, media personnel – even from nondescript media houses – have been allotted party tickets; and what's more, in many cases they won. Pandit Godabarisha Mishra, Pandit Nilakanth Das and Dr Radhanath Ratha were editors of the state's oldest daily Samaj; Chintamani Panigrahi, Bhairav Mahanty and Janki Ballav Patnaik entered politics after having had successful careers as editors of Prajatantra. And Surendra Mohanty and Bichitrananda Kar were also in the same league. But the name that comes first to most people is that of JB Patnaik, who quit a bright career as editor of Prajatantra, and later of the English language weekly Eastern Times. And he went far. He not only became a Union Minister, but also rose to become chief minister of the state all of three times! But here the similarity between Pattnaik with modern day editors ends. For while the former quit the media for good, the latter want the best of both worlds. Needless to say, this has seriously damaged the credibility of the vernacular press – especially of dailies such as Sambad (editor, Soumya Ranjan Pattnaik), Dharitri (editor, Tathagata Satpathy), Prajatantra (editor, Bhartruhari Mahatab), Samay (managing editor, Ranjib Biswal), and Kalinga Mail (editor, Shibanand Ray). And this list of editors who would be netas is by no means exhausted: more names are cropping up as D-day nears.
A sharp critic of the Naveen Patnaik government, Soumya Pattnaik initially supported the Bharatiya Janata Party, but later – influenced by his father-in-law, JB Patnaik – switched his allegiance to the Congress. He tasted his first electoral victory in 1996, when he won from the Bhubaneswar Parliamentary seat on a Congress ticket. This time, Soumya is expected to contest from a much smaller constituency – Khandapara in Nayagarh district – where his Paribartan Yatra (Journey of Change) is in full swing these days. And yes, no issue of Sambad ever fails to cover the Yatra in detail. But Soumya insists there is nothing wrong with this. "I don't lay any stone by this so-called neutralism. I see no harm in taking sides if it benefits Orissa and helps fight corruption. Voicing one's opinion is crucial if real change is to come about.And at Sambad this is precisely what we are doing," he told TSI. The editor of Dharitiri, Tathagata Satpathy, who has won one Assembly and two Parliamentary elections, is again preparing to contest from Dhenkanal on a BJD ticket. Though his paper is considered pro-Naveen by many, Tathagata hotly denies reports that his political ideology affects the editorial credibility of Dharitiri. "As I am an MP under the BJD banner, some people want it to become the party's organ, but that is not acceptable to me and it will never happen." Prajatantra's editor, Bhartruhari Mahtab, who is one of the frontline BJD candidates for the Cuttack MP seat, also insists that his paper is not being used to promote partisan ends. And he claims, "Editors should not force their political aspirations on readers. Prajatantra is a newspaper of the people and it will continue to tell their stories alone."But other editors are more honest about the matter. As Managing Editor of Samay admits, "If someone is into active politics, and controls a newspaper, it is impossible for him to stay neutral. The media both shapes and reflects people's opinions, which after all is why they are wooed by all parties, especially during election time." Ranjib Biswal, who won the Parliamentary seat from Jagatsinghpur on a Congress ticket in 1996 and 1998, lost in the last two elections. There is every chance, though, that he will be the Congress candidate from the Kendrapara constituency this time.
And finally – the editors who will make their electoral debut... Kailash Mishra, editor of Amari Katha, is currently president of the Samajwadi Party in Orissa. It is said he converted his weekly into a daily two years back with an eye on the upcoming elections. But when asked whether his paper is a tool for promoting his political ends, he too denied this saying, "It's nothing like that. Amari Katha is not my party's organ. It only publishes my political activities, and conveys my thoughts to the people." Another newcomer, editor of Paryabekshak, Pabitra Mohan Samantray, says, "If I get elected I will quit my editorial responsibilities." Comments senior political analyst Basant Das, "Currently, political personnel believe that to be successful in politics one must have a newspaper in hand. On the other hand, editors have understood that it's easier to build up a career in politics with a media house backing their candidature." Adds Ganeshwar Mishra, former editor of Samaj: "Owing to close ties between editors and politicians, most of the newspapers in Orissa are not free. They are like party leaflets." Indeed, pick up any of these papers and you will invariably find them spilling over with 'news' of inaugurations and ceremonies presided over by their 'editors' – or dishing out pre-poll pledges of the political parties which are backing them. And these editors are making sure that most of this PR exercise is complete before the Election Commission's Code of Conduct comes into force. This phenomenon – if it can be called that – can only be checked if the courts take note of reports in the free media about this large scale and totally unchecked conflict of interest.
Medium is the message Orissa is by no means an oasis. In Karnataka, Tejaswini Gowda, a 42-year-old journalist and talk show host on a Kannada TV channel, humbled 'humble farmer’ HD Deve Gowda in the 2004 Lok Sabha elections. Her margin of victory against the former Prime Minister: a comfortable one lakh. Now rumours are rife that Tejaswini is seriously considering a BJP offer.Back in the 1950s, veteran Kannada journalists like Dinakara Desai, Ranganath Diwakar and HK Veeranna Gowda demonstrated that they understood their politics well by winning Lok Sabha seats. Diwakar even served as Union Information Minister in Nehru’s Cabinet.Sanjay Nirupam is today known as a hard-hitting politician, but in the not-too-distant past, he was editor of Shiv Sena mouthpiece, Samna (Hindi). Likewise, Sanjay Raut, editor of Samna (Marathi), is also an MP.Many stalwarts crowd this field. In Kolkata, Saeed Malihabadi, editor of Azad Hind Daily is now a Rajya Sabha MP. Bihar’s Ali Anwar, a veteran reporter, became a political activist and was nominated by Nitish Kumar to the Upper House in 2006. The other shining example of this 'genre' of journalism is Nai Duniya editor, Shahid Siddiqui, for years with Mulayam Singh Yadav as a Rajya Sabha member, but lately with Mayawati. Like others, for Shahid too, politics and journalism remains entwined. Undoubtedly, the most outstanding examples of this transition remain Chandan Mitra and Rajiv Shukla. It is therefore no surprise that even Page 3 celebrities have "PRESS" stickers on their windscreens. They have been told it pays to be a journalist these days.
Wednesday, February 18, 2009
Strange question
Dhrutikam Mohanty meets Kharavela Swain, BJP MP from Orissa.
“No MP named Swain stays here,” the security guard said, stunning us when we asked for Kharabela Swain’s residence. “Actually, no one knows me in this locality. You have to ask for Kalpana Parida’s home to find me!” Swain later told us when we finally traced him. “Sometimes even security guards stop me from entering my wife’s house.” He never applied for a government accommodation, nor has he bought a house in Bhuvaneshwar. “Whenever I come to the capital, I stay in Kalpana’s flat. She is working with Doordarshan and lives here with our only son,” clarified Swain. Named after Orissa’s legendary ancient king Mahameghabahana Aira Kharabela, Swain, a powerful BJP politician maintains a very low profile. And his entering politics says it all. In 1988, this 1980-batch Indian Allied Services Officer quit his cushy job to join politics. “I was fed-up with the corruption and opportunism of politicians. People feel that good and honest persons can’t survive in politics. I wanted to prove them wrong. I believe in that old economic aphorism – good money drives out bad money from the market. So will it be in politics.” Kharabela’s stature as a highly articulate and active parliamentarian cuts across party lines. He always takes centre-stage in all major national debates. He is exceptionally popular in his constituency. In the last election, Kharabela polled a massive 553,087 votes and defeated his rival by 236,955 votes. And why not? During the floods last year, the first man to reach the remotest areas was their MP, not any sort of government agency. ‘My capital is people’s affection, which is much more valuable than a bungalow, car or money. I could have achieved all that, but that is not my philosophy,” says he. And bribes ever offered? “Yes, but only in my initial days as a parliamentarian. Today, everybody knows what I do. Kalpana manages all our expenses. My son has got a job through campus selection. So for what will I pile up money?” But then, how many politicians ask that question?
(by Dhrutikam Mohanty )
Wednesday, January 14, 2009
Get educated to get educated
State launches forms on the net; how many have access?
Students from Orissa pursuing higher education can now say goodbye to the traumatic college admission procedures. To make higher education accessible and affordable to all students, especially those from the backward districts of the state, its higher education department will soon be introducing e-admission in 59 junior colleges in the state. This pioneering plan has been drawn up for students aspiring to join plus-two classes in the upcoming session. What this means is that instead of rushing to big cities to get admission, students will now have the option of submitting all the myriad application forms through, say, cybercafes. “This is perhaps the first ever attempt in the country to extend e-admission facility at entry levels in government colleges. Now, a student living even in the Naxal-affected Malkangiri can fill up applications and apply for the BJB College of Bhubaneswar, about 500 km away from his place,” said educationist Dr BD Kar. Madhusudan Padhi, commissioner-cum-secretary of the department, informed that in the 2009-10 session, the department will allow e-admission in 50 government colleges. “We have further identified nine aided colleges of Jagatsinghpur, Kendrapada, Nayagarh, Sonepur, Nawarangpur, Rayagada, Boudh, Deogarh and Jharsuguda districts, where there are no government colleges, to become a part of this programme.” Easier said than done is what we suspect. For it is easy to claim that the net is the new revolution. What is conveniently forgotten that in the backward districts, not only are there very few access points (net connections, cybercafes) to the internet, but even for using those net connections, students have to firstly be computer literate. Unfortunately, the state presumes that an average educated child from a poor family will be net savvy; a grossly misplaced presumption. Notwithstanding that, the fact is that for other net savvy students, this is an amazing opportunity.The form will allow students to choose not only their favourite colleges but also provide them the option of applying to five colleges in one application. Praising the novelty of this programme, Divyajyoti Pradhan of BJB College of Bhubaneswar says: “It is amazing that a student can apply to so many colleges in Orissa, through a single form, even to a college hundreds of kilometres away from home!” Dr Bhagawan Jayasingh, principal of SCS college of Puri, told TSI “Since almost all government colleges have their own websites, students can now monitor the entire admission procedure through the Internet." Leading educationist Dr Ganeshwar Mishra has a word of caution: “This is no doubt a novel effort, but its success depends largely on the competence and willingness of the governmental machinery.” And that is something we don't have to worry about at all, eh...
-Dhrutikam Mohanty
Ab tak barah
The Orissa Chief Minister has done what none else has… sacked 12 ministers in four years, Making him a major political curiosity, says TSI's Dhrutikam Mohanty
One man’s sexcapade, and his Bharatiya Janata Party went for a six in Bhubaneshwar, Orissa. The man was sacked by Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik. And he became the 12th minister to be sent home by Patnaik in his four year tenure so far, something of a history, as Basant Das, a senior political analyst in state capital Bhubaneshwar says. No other CM has sacked so many of his ministerial colleagues as the Janata Dal (Biju) boss. No other CM seems to be such a stickler for a clean image to match his spotless white kurta-pajama.Apparently, the voters were so incensed with the revelation that BJP legislator and Minister for Revenue and Disaster Management Manmohan Samal was having a steamy time with a married woman, who is also a dancer of some repute, in Orissa Niwas, the state’s New Delhi guest house, that they trashed the party in the municipal elections that came just after the incident. And naturally, ruling partner Biju Janata Dal (BJD) swept the polls.Patnaik probed the allegations reported in the media, and when he found them to be true, he disclosed the name of Samal’s paramour. Patnaik also didn’t hesitate to expose his BJP colleagues on the floor of the Assembly. He even revealed the fact that Samal had made arrangements for the dancer’s stay at Orissa Niwas. Samal denied the allegations, as is routine, but Patnaik had made up his mind. Meanwhile, the public gave its verdict in the municipal polls. Samal being a BJP MLA, Patnaik apparently 'consulted' the mandarins of his coalition’s member-party, but he reportedly made it clear to the BJP, he would not settle for anything less than sacking. That’s one disaster the minister could not manage, finally. Kharabela Swain, a truly honest politician and BJP member of Parliament, told TSI: “Shocked with the election results, the party favoured the resignation of Samal to save the dipping image of the BJP in the state.” But Samal says otherwise: “I tendered my resignation on moral grounds for the sake of my party’s image and the alliance with BJD.”“Both, critics and supporters of Naveen Patnaik strongly believe that he spares no one whenever his clean image is at stake. He will not allow even a single black spot on his spotless kurta. So how could you believe that tainted ministers would continue in his government?” argues BJD youth wing convener Sanjay Das Burma. Ergo, the ouster of former Minister of State for Information and Public Relation and Patnaik’s closest associate Debashis Nayak. The high voltage political drama, which apparently destroyed Nayak’s career, began on March 25, 2008, when a lady marshal of the Orissa Legislative Assembly – named Gayatri Panda – levelled charges of sexual harassment against Speaker Maheswar Mohanty. This was a bombshell. As Assembly was in session, the opposition parties stalled proceedings, demanding an independent probe and the Speaker’s resignation. The latter told the house: “It’s a conspiracy against me. Some bigwigs are involved in the plot.” And soon, media reports showed Nayak as the man behind the wings who had pulled the dirty trick, as the woman involved was close to him. Some local newspapers even published photographs, establishing the link. It became clear that the whole episode was an outcome of murky political rivalry between two stalwart leaders. Most analysts had thought Nayak would remain unscathed, as he is privy to all Patnaik’s secrets since 1997, when he began his career as a politician. But unexpectedly, the CM not only asked for his resignation but also faxed a two-line letter to the Raj Bhawan, saying, “I have lost trust and confidence on Debashis Nayak, MOS Information & Public Relations. So he should be removed from the Council of Ministers.” Patnaik’s first act of axing a cabinet colleague occurred just after completion of his second successive year of the second term, which began on May 13, 2004. A day before reshuffleing his ministry, Patnaik had briefed the press: “I am dropping four ministers. They are cabinet minister Damodar Rout (Panchayati Raj and Culture) and Bijoyshree Routray (Health and Family Welfare) and two ministers of state (independent charge) Nagendra Pradhan (School and Mass Education) and Balabhadra Majhi (Tribal Development).” Sivananda Ray, state Congress vice president says, “In Orissa, never before had a chief minister announced a cabinet reshuffle to the media like this. Patnaik effected the change when it was least anticipated, because all these ministers were politically powerful and had influence upon the party organisation.” Sources close to Patnaik reveal that while Damodar Rout earned his wrath due to his vociferous campaign against steel giant POSCO, which had worked out a mega project in Orissa. Bijoyshree Routray was shown the door due to his alleged corrupt deals. The other two state ministers were asked to resign for their incompetence. Two years ago, two more ministers were sacked. A senior member of the BJD and then Excise Minister Kalandi Behera, had to tender his resignation following a liquor tragedy in Ganjam district. Incidentally, just a month before this, Water Resources Minister Rabi Narayan Nanda had resigned on the same grounds after a sting operation caught him allegedly offering bribe to an opposition MLA in order to suppress incriminating facts relating to his involvement in a liquor tragedy. In 2007, two other ministers also resigned, needless to say because the CM told them to go. School and Mass Education Minister Bishnu Charan Das submitted his resignation on August 17, after his alleged role in manipulating the examination marks of his son in the high school certificate examination. Then in the last week of 2007, Steel and Mines Minister Padmanav Behera resigned in the wake of communal clashed between tribals and Christians in Kandhmal district. Till date, only two sacked politicos have returned to the ministry: Women and Child Development Minister Pramila Mallik and Minister of State for Labour Pradipta Naik, who were out of the ministry in the wake of fake affidavit cases, were given the same portfolios; but even that happened after the court exonerated them of the charges.Patnaik’s first ever demolition drive for the sake of clean governance goes back to his first term. On July 9, 2001, when his ministry was just one year old, he had sacked three influential ministers of his cabinet for alleged involvement in corruption. Without any prior information, the then ministers Nalinikanta Mohanty, Dr Kamala Das and Prasanta Nanda were asked to resign with immediate effect. Interestingly, apart from being the Minister for Works, Housing and Parliamentary Affairs, Mohanty was also the working president of BJD at that time, while Dr Das was the Minister for Health and Family Welfare and Nanda was the Minister of State for Rural Development and Higher Education. Panchanan Kanoongo, former finance minister of Patnaik’s first term and once a close party aide reacts, "Naveen babu should self-analyse... Whatever may be the CM’s plea (that he is kicking out corrupt people), this itself clearly reveals that he is surrounded by corrupt people and his government is not free from corruption." But that clearly is putting things too simplistically. For it is a fact that a significant proportion of Indian politicians are stinkingly corrupt; and yet do not face any admonition or action. Given that, Patnaik's moves are commendable, to say the least. If only the Centre could take a leaf out of the Patnaik saga...
One man’s sexcapade, and his Bharatiya Janata Party went for a six in Bhubaneshwar, Orissa. The man was sacked by Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik. And he became the 12th minister to be sent home by Patnaik in his four year tenure so far, something of a history, as Basant Das, a senior political analyst in state capital Bhubaneshwar says. No other CM has sacked so many of his ministerial colleagues as the Janata Dal (Biju) boss. No other CM seems to be such a stickler for a clean image to match his spotless white kurta-pajama.Apparently, the voters were so incensed with the revelation that BJP legislator and Minister for Revenue and Disaster Management Manmohan Samal was having a steamy time with a married woman, who is also a dancer of some repute, in Orissa Niwas, the state’s New Delhi guest house, that they trashed the party in the municipal elections that came just after the incident. And naturally, ruling partner Biju Janata Dal (BJD) swept the polls.Patnaik probed the allegations reported in the media, and when he found them to be true, he disclosed the name of Samal’s paramour. Patnaik also didn’t hesitate to expose his BJP colleagues on the floor of the Assembly. He even revealed the fact that Samal had made arrangements for the dancer’s stay at Orissa Niwas. Samal denied the allegations, as is routine, but Patnaik had made up his mind. Meanwhile, the public gave its verdict in the municipal polls. Samal being a BJP MLA, Patnaik apparently 'consulted' the mandarins of his coalition’s member-party, but he reportedly made it clear to the BJP, he would not settle for anything less than sacking. That’s one disaster the minister could not manage, finally. Kharabela Swain, a truly honest politician and BJP member of Parliament, told TSI: “Shocked with the election results, the party favoured the resignation of Samal to save the dipping image of the BJP in the state.” But Samal says otherwise: “I tendered my resignation on moral grounds for the sake of my party’s image and the alliance with BJD.”“Both, critics and supporters of Naveen Patnaik strongly believe that he spares no one whenever his clean image is at stake. He will not allow even a single black spot on his spotless kurta. So how could you believe that tainted ministers would continue in his government?” argues BJD youth wing convener Sanjay Das Burma. Ergo, the ouster of former Minister of State for Information and Public Relation and Patnaik’s closest associate Debashis Nayak. The high voltage political drama, which apparently destroyed Nayak’s career, began on March 25, 2008, when a lady marshal of the Orissa Legislative Assembly – named Gayatri Panda – levelled charges of sexual harassment against Speaker Maheswar Mohanty. This was a bombshell. As Assembly was in session, the opposition parties stalled proceedings, demanding an independent probe and the Speaker’s resignation. The latter told the house: “It’s a conspiracy against me. Some bigwigs are involved in the plot.” And soon, media reports showed Nayak as the man behind the wings who had pulled the dirty trick, as the woman involved was close to him. Some local newspapers even published photographs, establishing the link. It became clear that the whole episode was an outcome of murky political rivalry between two stalwart leaders. Most analysts had thought Nayak would remain unscathed, as he is privy to all Patnaik’s secrets since 1997, when he began his career as a politician. But unexpectedly, the CM not only asked for his resignation but also faxed a two-line letter to the Raj Bhawan, saying, “I have lost trust and confidence on Debashis Nayak, MOS Information & Public Relations. So he should be removed from the Council of Ministers.” Patnaik’s first act of axing a cabinet colleague occurred just after completion of his second successive year of the second term, which began on May 13, 2004. A day before reshuffleing his ministry, Patnaik had briefed the press: “I am dropping four ministers. They are cabinet minister Damodar Rout (Panchayati Raj and Culture) and Bijoyshree Routray (Health and Family Welfare) and two ministers of state (independent charge) Nagendra Pradhan (School and Mass Education) and Balabhadra Majhi (Tribal Development).” Sivananda Ray, state Congress vice president says, “In Orissa, never before had a chief minister announced a cabinet reshuffle to the media like this. Patnaik effected the change when it was least anticipated, because all these ministers were politically powerful and had influence upon the party organisation.” Sources close to Patnaik reveal that while Damodar Rout earned his wrath due to his vociferous campaign against steel giant POSCO, which had worked out a mega project in Orissa. Bijoyshree Routray was shown the door due to his alleged corrupt deals. The other two state ministers were asked to resign for their incompetence. Two years ago, two more ministers were sacked. A senior member of the BJD and then Excise Minister Kalandi Behera, had to tender his resignation following a liquor tragedy in Ganjam district. Incidentally, just a month before this, Water Resources Minister Rabi Narayan Nanda had resigned on the same grounds after a sting operation caught him allegedly offering bribe to an opposition MLA in order to suppress incriminating facts relating to his involvement in a liquor tragedy. In 2007, two other ministers also resigned, needless to say because the CM told them to go. School and Mass Education Minister Bishnu Charan Das submitted his resignation on August 17, after his alleged role in manipulating the examination marks of his son in the high school certificate examination. Then in the last week of 2007, Steel and Mines Minister Padmanav Behera resigned in the wake of communal clashed between tribals and Christians in Kandhmal district. Till date, only two sacked politicos have returned to the ministry: Women and Child Development Minister Pramila Mallik and Minister of State for Labour Pradipta Naik, who were out of the ministry in the wake of fake affidavit cases, were given the same portfolios; but even that happened after the court exonerated them of the charges.Patnaik’s first ever demolition drive for the sake of clean governance goes back to his first term. On July 9, 2001, when his ministry was just one year old, he had sacked three influential ministers of his cabinet for alleged involvement in corruption. Without any prior information, the then ministers Nalinikanta Mohanty, Dr Kamala Das and Prasanta Nanda were asked to resign with immediate effect. Interestingly, apart from being the Minister for Works, Housing and Parliamentary Affairs, Mohanty was also the working president of BJD at that time, while Dr Das was the Minister for Health and Family Welfare and Nanda was the Minister of State for Rural Development and Higher Education. Panchanan Kanoongo, former finance minister of Patnaik’s first term and once a close party aide reacts, "Naveen babu should self-analyse... Whatever may be the CM’s plea (that he is kicking out corrupt people), this itself clearly reveals that he is surrounded by corrupt people and his government is not free from corruption." But that clearly is putting things too simplistically. For it is a fact that a significant proportion of Indian politicians are stinkingly corrupt; and yet do not face any admonition or action. Given that, Patnaik's moves are commendable, to say the least. If only the Centre could take a leaf out of the Patnaik saga...
Friday, January 2, 2009
Amity over Konark’s ruins
Muslim vendetta had vandalised a fantastic temple to the Sun God in Orissa, but the state today presents remarkable instances of cross-religious participation, says Dhrutikam Mohanty
K onark! The name evokes in most Odiyas a rush of emotions that can barely be described. Every time one stares at the top of the Mukhshala, the façade of the temple, an intense feeling of smallness grabs him or her. I personally have always felt tiny and trivial standing near the Konark Sun Temple. Some 1200 masons had taken 12 years to build this wonder, they say. But how was it possible to amalgamate such huge pieces of stones into a splendid and vast architecture in just 12 years? Around 700 years ago, what inspired the rulers of Orissa to build such a massive monument to the Sun? A section of historians believe that Narasimhadeva, the then ruler of the Ganga dynasty, had built this as a mark of his first victory over Muslims. When Tugan Khan, a Muslim ruler of Bengal, attacked Orissa in the 13th century, King Narsimhadeva decided to trap him and sent a message stating that he is ready to surrender without resistance. Happy with the proposed surrender, Tugan asked the king to surrender infront of the Jagannath temple in Puri and directed him to embrace Islam and convert the temple into a mosque. Narsimhadeva, steady on his plans, accepted all the terms and the Muslim ruler advanced into the city. When the invaders came and dispersed in the city, the temple bells started ringing, and this was the signal for the soldiers to pounce on them. At the end of a full day’s bloody battle, the entire Muslim army was annihilated. Hindus emerged victorious and Orissa stayed a Hindu bastion for the next three centuries. The victorious King of Orissa erected a victory pillar designed as a war chariot at a place near the temple town of Puri. This temple was dedicated to the Sun god, and he named this place as Konark, which means “Essence of the corners”. This was the pinnacle of Orissa’s great temple architecture tradition. The temple was designed like a colossal chariot with seven horses and 24 wheels, carrying Sun god across the heaven.
KC Panigrahi, leading author on Orissa history, has mentioned in one of his writings: “His victory over the Muslims of Bengal and his acquisition of the southern districts of western Bengal must have enormously raised his prestige in the eyes of contemporary Hindu rulers and augmented his resources, which in all likelihood enabled him to undertake the construction of a stupendous structure like the Konark temple, designed to exhibit his power, prestige, opulence, devotion and perhaps to commemorate his victory also.” Abul Fazal, in corroboration to this, even states that it is a “mighty memorial to posterity”.Today, what we see here is only the dilapidated Mukhashala, not the main temple, the little that could be conserved or restored. “One of the best specimens of Indian architecture”, wrote James Fergussion, an eminent historian. Hundreds of broken statues, ruined pillars with finest carvings and maimed deities at the heritage site create a delusion of a burial ground of Orissan architecture. How could such a mammoth structure be ruined to pieces? After all, temples older than Konark, such as those of Jagannath at Puri Lingaraj at Bhubaneswar, still exist with grandeur and gravity.The most popular theory about vandalisation of Konark, though some scholar differ, is of Kalapahad, a general in the army of Muslim ruler Suleman of Bengal. The Madala Panji of Puri Jagannath temple describes how Kalapahad, a Hindu converted to Islam, attacked Orissa in 1568 and destroyed many Hindu temples, including Konark. It was a near impossible task to break a temple whose stone walls were as thick as 20 to 25 feet. Kalapahad somehow managed to displace the Dadhinauti (or arch stone, on which rests the weight of the entire superstructure) and thus the temple collapsed. The marauders also smashed most of the images and other adjacent temples. Perhaps this was Muslim vendetta for the humiliating defeat 300 years ago. Consequently, Orissa came under Muslim control in 1568. There were constant attempts to destroy the Hindu temples. The Pandas (priests) of Puri had to take away Lord Jagannath to a secret place to save the Lord from being destroyed. But then, time heals all wounds. And Orissa presents an amazing face of religious amity. And this goes beyond peaceful co-existance. What better example can you find of inter-religious participation than in Manikgoda, where Muslims perform Durga puja during Dushera? It is again Muslims who tow the Jagannath Rathayatra (chariot) at Remena, a place in western Orissa. On the other hand, Hindus offer bhog (offerings to the God) at the shrine of Bukhari Pir Saheb at Kaipadar of Khurdha. A sixteenth century shrine of the Sufi saint, Bukhari Pir Saheb, who originally belonged to Bukhara, Uzbekistan, is famous for the annual Urs celebration when thousands of devotees (around 75 per cent of them are Hindus) gather here from all over India. One of the most remarkable features of this shrine is that the flower garlands and sweets for the daily offerings to the Pir is made by Hindus. In Qadam Rasool (situated in Cuttack), a 15th century shrine famous for having the footprints of Prophet Muhammad, Hindus are also allowed to participate in prayers and even offer bhog. In fact, Qadam Rasool was built by a Hindu ruler in 18th century for the benefit of Muslims and is now prayed to by both Hindus and Muslims. Today it seems as if the hatred that started around 700 years ago and was marked with the erection of Konark Temple has been finally buried. Ironically, before that could happen, a magical monument had been destroyed!
Progressing towards destruction
One of the world's smallest species of turtles is battling huge problems in a fight for survival.
Diversity and dynamism of its eco-system has made Orissa an idyllic habitat for many rare species of the world like the estuarine crocodile, fresh and brackish water terrapins, dolphins, and last but not the least, Olive Ridleys turtles, categorised as Schedule-I species at par with tigers and lions under the Wildlife Protection Act, 1972.Orissa boasts of the world's largest known rookery, the breeding and nesting ground of Olive Ridley sea turtle, Gahiramatha. According to statistics, every year nearly 80,000 turtles come to Gahirmatha beach for mass nesting. But in last winter, surprisingly, it dropped to just 10 to 20 thousand. "In last January, we had conducted a survey on the 35 km shoreline from Hukitola to Nasi Island of Gahirmatha and we found carcasses of at least 400 turtles on the beach”, said Bijay Kabi, director of Protection of Wild Animal (APOWA). An estimate made by the Greenpeace International reveals that the total turtle mortality for the entire state in 2008 is likely to be 12,000 plus.The reasons for this precipitous fall are many. Firstly, the threat posed by the fishing trawlers, which unwittingly entangle and kill turtles in their fishing nets. Secondly, predators like dogs and hyenas, destroy most of the turtle eggs even before they hatch. But the most serious threat to the future of turtles comes from the proposed Dhamra Port, on the northern bank of the mouth of Dhamra River, less than 15 kilometers from the Gahirmatha nesting beaches. A Greenpeace International-commissioned study by Dr SK Dutta and his team of scientists from North Orissa University unequivocally established that the port at Dhamra in Orissa would be an ecological blunder, causing irreversible destruction. Maybe, what's required here is development with deference to nature.
-Dhrutikam Mohanty
The rakhi-roses traffic campaign
Cops and girls turn heads, helmet wearing goes up in Bhubaneswar.Reports Dhrutikam Mohanty.
Bhubaneswar Commisionerate Traffic Police's (BCTP) fresh effort to make helmet wearing compulsory for each and every two wheeler rider will surely tempt anyone who has seen Rajkumar Hirani's blockbusting movie 'Lage Raho Munna Bhai, to remember Sanjay Dutt .' This movie is all about how ‘Gandhigiri’ still works today and becomes a panacea for all sorts of problems in the society, though our social fabric, behaviour and attitudes have drastically changed in last few decades.On October 23, citizens of Bhubaneswar experienced such a 'Lage Raho…' pattern Gandhigiri out of the blue. Though the day was not of Rakshya Bandhan festival, yet many in the capital city were having rakhis tied on their wrists. Along with it a note that read, “Your life is precious. You are not serious about your life. Wear helmet,” was handed over to each violator. It sounds strange! But BCTP staff, college girls and cine actresses found it appropriate to impart awareness among two-wheeler riders who were not wearing helmets. Butwhy rakhi in place of fine for non-helmeters? Prize for an offender? Is it really Gandhigiri? When asked, Nirmal Chandra Satpathy, DCP of BCTP said, "If the media is branding it as Gandhigiri then I have nothing to say. But our strategy is different. We have planned to experiment social enforcement in place of the customary pattern of coercive enforcement. Because it is believed that social enforcement has a strong emotional appeal and better impact on citizens.'BCTP's Gandhigiri is not confined only to rakshya bandhan. There is also a rosy motivation for law obeyers. Police personnel and college girls presented red roses with a 'Thank You' note to those who passed busy traffic junctions wearing helmets. A campaigning police official said, "This rakhi and rose campaign has ushered a positive impact. On the first day, we had distributed around 4,000 roses and 1,000 rakhis at the five most busy traffic points in the city. But on the second day, rose distribution figure moved up to 6,000 and rakshya bandhan came down to only 600 odd." This type of experiment is the first of its kind in the country, claims BCTP. "In Bhubaneswar there are three lakh-plus two wheelers running. And as per our survey 80 per cent of riders wear helmets. The intention behind this campaign is to make helmet wearing 100 per cent," explained Satpathy, when asked about the objective of this campaign.According to Forum for Prevention of Road Accidents, in Orissa every day eight lives are snuffed out and around 30 persons suffer injury in road accidents. And last year, 8,190 road accidents have been reported and 3,034 persons lost their lives. These facts and figures show the ugly face of road accidents. In this backdrop, BCTP’s rakhi-rose campaign is definitely a path-breaking step. But its success depends upon sustainability of the campaign. Lets see how far khakiwala’s will be able to perform Gandhigiri in the long term.
Bhubaneswar Commisionerate Traffic Police's (BCTP) fresh effort to make helmet wearing compulsory for each and every two wheeler rider will surely tempt anyone who has seen Rajkumar Hirani's blockbusting movie 'Lage Raho Munna Bhai, to remember Sanjay Dutt .' This movie is all about how ‘Gandhigiri’ still works today and becomes a panacea for all sorts of problems in the society, though our social fabric, behaviour and attitudes have drastically changed in last few decades.On October 23, citizens of Bhubaneswar experienced such a 'Lage Raho…' pattern Gandhigiri out of the blue. Though the day was not of Rakshya Bandhan festival, yet many in the capital city were having rakhis tied on their wrists. Along with it a note that read, “Your life is precious. You are not serious about your life. Wear helmet,” was handed over to each violator. It sounds strange! But BCTP staff, college girls and cine actresses found it appropriate to impart awareness among two-wheeler riders who were not wearing helmets. Butwhy rakhi in place of fine for non-helmeters? Prize for an offender? Is it really Gandhigiri? When asked, Nirmal Chandra Satpathy, DCP of BCTP said, "If the media is branding it as Gandhigiri then I have nothing to say. But our strategy is different. We have planned to experiment social enforcement in place of the customary pattern of coercive enforcement. Because it is believed that social enforcement has a strong emotional appeal and better impact on citizens.'BCTP's Gandhigiri is not confined only to rakshya bandhan. There is also a rosy motivation for law obeyers. Police personnel and college girls presented red roses with a 'Thank You' note to those who passed busy traffic junctions wearing helmets. A campaigning police official said, "This rakhi and rose campaign has ushered a positive impact. On the first day, we had distributed around 4,000 roses and 1,000 rakhis at the five most busy traffic points in the city. But on the second day, rose distribution figure moved up to 6,000 and rakshya bandhan came down to only 600 odd." This type of experiment is the first of its kind in the country, claims BCTP. "In Bhubaneswar there are three lakh-plus two wheelers running. And as per our survey 80 per cent of riders wear helmets. The intention behind this campaign is to make helmet wearing 100 per cent," explained Satpathy, when asked about the objective of this campaign.According to Forum for Prevention of Road Accidents, in Orissa every day eight lives are snuffed out and around 30 persons suffer injury in road accidents. And last year, 8,190 road accidents have been reported and 3,034 persons lost their lives. These facts and figures show the ugly face of road accidents. In this backdrop, BCTP’s rakhi-rose campaign is definitely a path-breaking step. But its success depends upon sustainability of the campaign. Lets see how far khakiwala’s will be able to perform Gandhigiri in the long term.
Harvesting hatred
Both Hindus and Christians in Orissa’s tribal belt have become victims of the game of one upmanship in ‘saving souls’… all in the name of Christians opening schools for their converts, and then, Hindu seers hitting back with their own schools. The roots of conversions and anti-conversion campaigns are old, but even a cursory probe into the recent explosion of mind-numbing violence shows that the communal divide is so serious that it is hard to think there can actually be a solution, writes Sutanu Guru with Dhrutikam Mohanty and Ajit Nayak
The differences are so stark that the similarities can be really baffling. One has inherited a powerful political legacy that dropped into his lap without any effort. The other has clawed his way to the top of the heap. One was born with the literal golden spoon in his mouth; the other comes from a genuinely humble background. One counts Hollywood stars and the Page 3 glitterati of Delhi as his friends. The other can’t even get a visa to the United States, and the chances of him attending a power-do of Page 3 suspects is as high as that of Rahul Gandhi contesting Lok Sabha elections on a BJP ticket. One can’t even have a conversation in his mother tongue; the other wears his ‘regional’ identity like a badge of honour. Visions of chalk and cheese spring to mind when you think about the two individuals.And yet, Naveen Patnaik and Narendra Modi preside over two states that have witnessed the rise and rise of the most militant version of Hinduism in the last decade or so. In Gujarat, human rights activists accused Modi of presiding over a ‘genocide’ of Muslims. Nobody accuses Naveen Patnaik of harbouring militant Hindutva sentiments. But human rights activists are accusing him of benign neglect, as Hindutva groups unleash a 'war’ against Christians in the state. To be fair to Patnaik, even the Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader Praveen Togadia accuses Patnaik of leading a government of eunuchs. There is lush greenery everywhere as our car snakes across a reasonably decent road from Bhubaneswar, the capital of Orissa, towards Kandhamal, the latest battleground in the war of religious hatred, intolerance, prejudice, bigotry, mistrust and propaganda. There are forests and verdant hills: a sight that can delight any tourist. There is a deceptive calm as our car crosses town after small town and village after village. And then we see the first signs of how the war is being waged.
A couple of completely bored cops stand near a police van, guarding over a prayer hall that has been completely gutted. Our driver Sukanta belongs to a village in this district, which has about 60 families – three of whom are Christians. “We hid the Christians in our houses when the mob attacked late in the night. Many Hindus then were mistakenly attacked by the mob,” he says. Sukanta suggests we drive down to the relief camp in a place called G Udaigiri.The Hobak High School is where the relief camp is operating from. Far from relief, we see only dismay and hatred. We are surrounded by a mob of more than 100 victims; angry, vocal and mistrustful. One accuses me of being a ‘Hindu’ agent masquerading as a journalist. Abuses are heaped on Naveen Patnaik, on the police and on the media for being inhuman and unfair towards the Christians. There are about 5,000 ‘refugees’ in the camp, with tents fluttering in the breeze, even as a slight drizzle adds to their woes. Ramakanta, who refuses to give his full name thunders, “Our Bible tells us to show the other cheek. But enough is enough. We don’t want to live in this country. Send us to a place where Christians are not persecuted.” A visibly angry woman, who refuses to give her name, says, “They say we are outsiders. But we are part of this soil. If required, we can also fight like Rani Jhansi.” The anger and hatred is so palpable that we feel we might be lynched if we don’t run towards the cops. Mercifully, the rising fury of hatred abates, and we get down to hearing heart wrenching tales of mobs marauding through villages, burning houses and churches, hacking victims to death, driving them into jungles and relief camps for safety. At the end of it, they insist we show them our ‘press’ cards so that they know we are not ‘agents’. Right outside the relief camp, the town is quiet and people are going about their own ways, shopping, bargaining, gossiping and walking. Unlike the Christian victims inside the relief camp, these are Hindus and there is no sign that they are bothered about 5,000 homeless victims living in their midst. The cleavage, the rift, the chasm is so chillingly complete that it is frightening.
On our way to Phulbani town, we see houses, churches, two wheelers, police jeeps and prayer halls wrecked and burnt. There used to be a Christian house right next to the police station in Tikabali; it is now in shambles. Within hours of our car leaving the area, a curfew is again clamped because there is danger of more violence.Just in case you are not already familiar with what really happened here, here is a brief run down. On the day of Janmashtami (the Hindu festival of birth of Lord Krishna), 84-year-old Swami Laxmananda Saraswati and four of his associates were brutally gunned down with AK-47 assault rifles in an ashram in Kandhamal. Swami Saraswati is a highly revered figure in the Hindu community in this region and had been running a campaign against conversions. The state government blamed ‘Maoists’ for the brutal killing. Hindutva outfits like the VHP refused to buy that logic and insisted that it is ‘militant’ Christians who had ‘assassinated’ the Swami. Within days of his death, half of Orissa was in flames, with anti-Christian violence spreading to many districts beyond Kandhamal.Back in Bhubaneswar, we see even more dangerous signs of a divide between the two communities. Dr Swarupananda Patra is a Christian who has worked with Doordarshan and is now chairman of Orissa Minorities Forum. “I have held back my people, you know. If they also take up arms and retaliate, there will be a civil war in this state. We have no faith in this system, even in the judicial system.” Quite surprisingly, Patra lets slip a sentence that reveals the extent of mistrust and prejudice between the two communities. “The Swami was supposed to be a holy man. Then why did not the state send him to the Himalaya? Why was he opening schools for girls in the area?” That is one side of the divide. The other side is revealed by Sarat Mishra, editor of Orissa’s oldest and most respected daily, The Samaj, “You see, in India, secularism nowadays means being anti-Hindu. The fact is that missionaries do offer incentives to converts.” An overwhelming majority of the Hindus with whom we had conversations, even those who denounced the violence against Christians, seemed convinced that it was not the Maoists who killed the Swami.In fact, the Swami has been attacked many times in past by Christian mobs for his struggle against conversions and fight against cow slaughter. The flame of communal passion that ignited after the swami’s assassination was even more intense following joining of the Kui (Khandha), the prime tribal group of the district in the violence. They became violent because the Kui leader Lambodar Kahar also received a letter that threatened to kill him.
Incidentally, Swami Saraswati too got a similar letter two days before he was killed. If you believe the tribal leaders, both the Swami and the Kui leader Kahar received identical letters, written in the same handwriting and posted from the same place i.e. Baruniput of Koraput district on August 12. True or not, the fact is that the locals believe this to be the fact and have turned violent.“I do not support violence in the name of religion but it becomes inevitable when they (Pano) send such threatening letters to me. I am fighting for the cause of Khandas (Kui) and against those who try to snatch away our legitimate rights.” Lamboder Kahar told TSI. Lamboder, president of the Kui tribe, is not against conversion but against the Pano Christians, as they snatch away the rights of scheduled castes, even after their conversion to Christianity, due to the leniency of the law enforcement agency in the state. The Kandhas are scheduled tribes while the Panos are scheduled castes. Listening to dozens of such hate-laced conversations; we can’t help drawing parallels with Gujarat. In Gujarat, more than 50 Hindu ‘pilgrims’ returning from Ayodhya were burnt alive inside a train. The alleged perpetrators were fanatic Muslims of Godhra. The bodies of the victims were paraded in a procession and Hindutva outfits called for a state-wide bandh. Within hours of the funeral procession of the victims and the bandh, communal violence erupted across Gujarat. The rest, as they say, is sordid history. In Orissa too, tension was simmering between the Swami and his supporters and Christian groups for a long time. In fact, in December 2007, the Swami was attacked allegedly by a Christian mob that had triggered a fierce bout of communal violence in and around Kandhamal. When reports of the killing of the Swami started coming in, Hindutva activists promptly blamed Christians for the brutal murder and called for a state-wide bandh. The funeral procession of Swami Saraswati snaked across 160 kilometres of tribal areas in the state. The bandh was total and absolute. And then began the violence against the Christians. More than a dozen have been killed and more than 20,000 have become refugees, having lost their homes to mob violence.
Watching the innocent children, infants, women and others suffer in the relief camps, you can’t help wonder at the barbarity of these acts. You can’t but help think: surely these kids were not responsible for the murder of Swami Saraswati! And then come haunting the images of January 1999, when the missionary Graham Staines and his two young children were burnt alive in the most bestial fashion by a rampaging mob. It is easy to point fingers at outfits like the VHP and the Bajrang Dal for this mindless violence and this systematic targeting of minorities. But that ‘politically correct’ thing will not explain the depths of hatred that we encounter wherever we go. Nor will it change the opinion of people on both sides of the divide, because propaganda has already acquired the status of gospel. Ordinary Hindu folks in Orissa, who have nothing to do with the VHP and the Bajrang Dal, spew such venom at Christian missionaries that even listening to them talk is frightening.Prod a little deeper and the reason for the hatred starts coming out. According to Hindus in Kandhamal district, converts to Christianity and the missionaries deliberately insult and humiliate the Hindu religion. Devotees of Lord Hanuman say their blood boils when he is taunted as a monkey in Christian gatherings. Do missionaries and converts really indulge in this kind of dangerous one upmanship? The problem is not whether they actually insult Hindusim. The problem is that most Hindus now believe they do. Lambasting the VHP is not going to change this. A top cop of Orissa, who doesn’t want to be named, says that the divide has been growing because the zealous new converts turn their backs on local traditions and customs that have been prevalent for centuries. He gives the example of a festival called ‘Rojo’, which is celebrated before the sowing season begins. ‘Mother Earth’ is given rest for four days to regenerate herself, and local folks symbolically sway in swings because they don’t want even their feet to disturb Mother Earth. According to the senior official, recent converts deliberately flout this custom and work on the fields. Once again, you can call it successful propaganda by outfits like the VHP. But then the battle of ideas has never been won by making pious and politically correct statements.
And it has been war in Orissa. Hindutva outfits and Christian groups have been battling it out in the tribal districts of Orissa for decades. Where the Christians had a decisive advantage was in terms of resources and their ability to run schools and health centres in these poverty stricken areas. Swami Laxmananda Saraswati took the battle to the ‘enemy’ and successfully launched schools and education programmes. Starting from the late 1980s, the resurgence of Hindutva outfits also saw the rise of schools called the ‘Saraswati Sishu Mandir’, which have proliferated across the tribal districts of Orissa. The hapless locals have thus become mere pawns in this vicious game of ‘saving souls’.That’s where the parallels between Gujarat and Orissa are so disconcerting. Both are coastal states; both have an ancient history of maritime trade with ports dotting the coast. Both have unchallenged political leaders who have been at the helm for almost a decade and show no signs of fading away. Both states are home to one holy city each of Hinduism – Dwarka in Gujarat and Puri in Orissa. Both states are steeped in local folklore about how invaders destroyed their temples.Narendra Modi and Naveen Patnaik are two completely contrasting personalities. And yet, beyond lambasting the Hindutva outfits, the uncomfortable question that needs urgent answers are: why are ordinary citizens falling prey to such appalling levels of hatred and prejudice? The future of India depends on these uncomfortable answers.
Red Ants on the Rampage
JEHADIS AND NAXALITES ARE DESTROYING INTERNAL SECURITY. THE INDIAN STATE IS A HAPLESS WITNESS.
By Dhrutikam Mohanty & Anil Didwedi
Ask well read middleclass urban Indians to talk about jehadi terror attacks in India in the recent times and you will get a torrent of words on Sarojini Nagar, Varanasi, Jaipur, Mumbai, Hyderabad, and of course, Ahmedabad. There will be a bigger torrent of words on how India is under siege. Ask them about Naxalite attacks and the usual response is reluctant admission that some bad things are happening ‘out there’. And yet, this is just a small sample of what Naxalites have done over the last five years to make a mockery of the Indian State: On October 1, 2003, Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu escaped assassination by seconds in a landmine blast on his way to Tirupati. In January, 2007, the sitting MLA of the Jharkhand assembly was shot dead with impunity On March 5, 2007, the sitting Lok Sabha MP of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, Sunil Mahato was watching a football match when he was shot dead in broad daylight. On October 27, 2008, Anup Marandi, the son of former Chief Minister Babulal Marandi, was killed in a massacre with 18 others during a cultural programme in Giridh district of Jharkhand. According to KPS Gill, the Super Cop, the Indian State is simply losing the ability to even offer effective resistance to the rising tide of Naxalite violence, far from trying to crush the movement. Savage attacks on high profile targets deliver a telling message: ‘if even top politicians can’t escape our wrath, you better think again’. But that’s not the only way in which the Naxalites are systematically undermining the foundations of the Indian State. The police forces and the law and order system are the ultimate symbols of the power that a State wields over its citizens; the ultimate symbol of the security that it provides to the citizen. That symbol has been torn to shreds by Naxalites in the last few years. Consider just a few such examples of Naxal impunity and audacity: On November 13, 2005, more than 1,000 Maoists literally ‘attacked’ the town of Jehanabad in Bihar, captured the police armoury and liberated close to 400 prisoners from the jail. On March 24, 2006, more than 500 Maoists invaded the armed police camp in Gajapati district of Orissa and liberated more than 40 comrades. On December 16, 2007, Maoists ‘liberated’ more than 300 prisoners from Dantewada jail in Chhatisgarh. About 25 were recaptured subsequently, none of them a Maoist. Nayagarh is less than two hours away from the state capital of Bhubaneswar in Orissa. On February 15, 2008, an army of Maoists descended from trucks and buses and literally ransacked the entire town. Despite the use of armed helicopters in the aftermath, hardly any of the marauders was caught or killed.
Talk to policemen in Chattisgarh, Jharkhand and Orissa and you will be given a picture of the Maoists becoming increasingly desperate because they are fighting a losing battle. Malkangiri in Orissa is the new front in the Maoist war against the State. About 40 Andhra policemen of an elite group called Greyhounds were ambushed and killed there by the Red rebels on June 29, 2008. Just to signal that the attack was no fluke, a party of Orissa Special Operations Group cops were ambushed just about a fortnight later and 17 of them were massacred. To add insult to injury, Maoists have declared three successive weeks of a closure of schools, colleges and shops in the same district. Here is a telling instance of how the State is responding to these brazen acts of violence and defiance. Says Satish Gajbhiye, Superintendent of Police of Malkangiri, “We have requested for more forces to state and central governments. But so far no additional forces have arrived here. Due to heavy rains, communications links to some areas have been cut off. As Maoists are observing martyrs week and have declared to observe Kranti Divas and Black day in first fortnight of August, chances of violence cannot be denied” The situation in Chattisgarh is even grimmer. The Salwa Judum (a movement of so called tribal volunteers against the Maoists) is in danger of disintegration. Even more alarmingly, the Maoist influence can be now clearly seen in urban areas. Of course, the Director General of Police of the state, Viswhwaranjan, would beg to differ. He sayas Maoists are desperate and extensive combing operations are compelling them to flee. Yet, you have Union Minister of State for Home Affairs Shriprakash Jaiswal admitting that Maoists there might have a booty of more than Rs 50 crore. In fact, an exclusive TSI story in February 2008 had clearly revealed that they are literally a ‘state’ within the state. When any Indian with common sense realised by 2005 that the Naxalite menace was a serious one and a grave danger to India, the Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil was busy with homilies like them being 'misguided youths who could be persuaded to come back to the mainstream'. Each time Patil made such a remarkable observation, the Maoists acted with even more ferocity and brutality, till it fell upon Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to call them the biggest threat to internal security in the country - ahead even of jehadi terrorism. And that presents a genuine dilemma for Indians who are worried about the future of the country. The jehadi attacks are always followed by finger pointing towards Pakistan (and now Bangladesh). It is also easy for prejudiced Indians to take comfort in the perception that ‘Islam is like that only’. But there are no Muslims to blame for the Maoist violence; no Islam to blame for the virtually liberated Red Zone. Most urban Indians are focused on jehadi terrorism. In the future, they may just be shocked to know that while that has run its destructive course, it is the Maoists that have devoured the heart of India.
No bullet, no cry?
In Orissa cops getting no government support are up in arms, reports Dhrutikam Mohanty.
“The government has murdered my husband, not the Maoists,” alleges Jayanti, the widow of Special Operation Group (SOG) constable Chitta Ranjan Pradhan, who was killed in a recent Maoist attack at MV-126 village of Malkangiri district, Orissa. A pained expression crosses her face as she says: “My husband was frustrated with the job and almost lost his mental balance fighting the Maoists for four long years. He made innumerous requests for a transfer. Though his officers promised to honour his request after completion of a three-year stint in Malkangiri, they never kept their promise.”The slain constable was the lone earning member of his four-member family and had married Jayanti – who is expecting a baby in a couple of months – in December 2007. Along with 28-year-old Chitta, 16 of his SOG colleagues lost their lives when the Maoists cadres blew up their vehicle on 16 July.One should not dismiss Jayanti’s allegations as a mere emotional outburst. Her allegations are not far from truth. Just a day after the explosion, a virtual revolt broke out in the ranks, as constables and jawans turned the heat on their seniors. They did not even allow South Western Range DIG Sanjib Panda to pay homage to the slain policemen at Malkangiri. The irate policemen did not stop at that. A group of press photographers and journalists from Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, who had gathered to collect pictures and information, were roughed up and chased away.
When Police Director General Gopal Chandra Nanda reached the Maoist-hit town after the incident, he was greeted by agitated and angry jawans. Without disclosing his name, an SOG jawan stationed at Malkangiri told TSI, “When our colleagues were exchanging fire with the Maoists at the site of the blast, they immediately informed police establishments at Kalimela and Motu for reinforcement of forces, which were just three and 10 kilometres away respectively, but no one responded. This clearly shows administrative apathy and callousness.” The district constables and havildars association presented a demand sheet and the DGP promised to present it to the government. Association president Purna Chandra Panda and secretary Kali Charan Sarangi asked for a helicopter for anti-Maoist operations in the Malkangiri district, a 30 per cent allowance increase, land allotment in a town near where they live now, and posting by choice to a different location after the 5-year stint in Malkangiri. DGP Nanda pacified the constables and assured them of adequate attention.“This demand for a helicopter is not new. We had met the Chief Minister twice earlier and he had verbally given us the green signal. This could have boosted the morale of our forces and created a fear factor among the Maoists. But till date, our demands have not been met. No doubt, lack of infrastructure is crippling our capacity to retaliate. Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand governments have already provided helicopters to their forces, but the Orissa government is still silent,” alleges Sagarmall Sharma, president of Orissa Police Association.
DARA SINGH :THE MISSIONARY KILLER !
The real regret of his life is being denied permission to attend the funeral of his father, who passed away in October 2003. A devout reader of Hanuman Chalisa - thrice a day - Dara Singh, now in Keonjhar District Jail on life sentence for burning alive Australian missionary Graham Staines and his two young boys, pointedly refuses to attend the all faith inter-religious meetings organised by the jail authorities. In January, 1999, Dara Singh and a team of Hindutva zealots had brutally massacred theStaines. Predictably, Dara Singh has appealed. The man also faces charges of murdering Muslim trader Shaikh Rehman and Christian priest Arul Doss in Orissa and the trials are still going on.Dara Singh’s day begins at 5 am. As the cell opens at 6 am, Dara every day does physical exercises and practices yoga for one hour. Though he has never seen Baba Ramdev, he follows the latter's healing practices of ‘Anulom-bilom’ and ‘Kapalbhati’ sincerely every morning. At about 9am, he takes his breakfast with other inmates. Dara likes to alternate tiffins such as upma or halwa, simai, chuda and mutter curry, etc. And a cup of tea is must.Dara then starts his new job assigned by the inmates just a month ago. He has been elected by the prisoners to be their latest ‘Sardar’, the representative for next four months. Basically the sardar decides the daily menu and looks into the proper utilisation of ration assigned per head. Every day at around 10 am, Dara, in consultation with jail staff, decides the menu for lunch, dinner and the next morning’s tiffin. Between 11 to 11.30, Dara shares his lunch – that is roti, rice, daal and a curry – with other prisoners. But he enjoys his lunch the most, on special days when ‘non-veg’ items are served, roti with mutton is his favorite.While speaking on a variety of issues with The Sunday Indian, Dara Singh avoids talking about the Graham Staines and other cases and prefers to project his status as a devout Hindu. May be he has reasons.
Subscribe to:
Comments (Atom)
Posts
